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ISSUE 39 : Museumizing Imagination
Photography as Ethnographic Method: The Anthropological Photographic Archives in Japanese Colonial Taiwan, 3
攝影作為民族誌方法:日治臺灣殖民地人類學的寫真檔案(三)
December 6th, 2018Type: Image
Author: 陳偉智, 蔡牧容Tsai Mu-Jung (翻譯) Editor: Rikey Tenn
Quote From: 《現代美術學報》No.33
Note: In the beginning of the Japanese colonial rule, Taiwanese aborigines soon became targets of the 'savage administration' of the colonial government. They also were objects in the construction of the anthropological knowledge. In the unfolding of colonial governance and knowledge construction, the production of photographic images of Taiwanese aborigines developed as well. The formation of photographic archives of Taiwanese aborigines was part of official ethnography of the 'savage administration' as well as the use of photograph as a modern ethnological method. Anthropological photographic experiences during this period were both records of documentary photography of aboriginal governance and of representation of constructing ethnic-type categories. Drawing on ethnographic photos taken by the 'savage administration' and anthropologists, this article discusses official documentary photography and type photographs. It also analyzes field experiences of anthropologists, the production processes of photographic archives, and the reaction of the photographed.

V. Photography in the Field

Today was set to photograph customs of the savage community, asked savage male and female to come. I heard this old man is at the age of 90; the purpose was to ask – old stories from the Amis community.(註1)

– Tashiro Antei, 1896

How do anthropologists take photographs? If the photographs left by the Government of Formosa were photographed by the military photographer, and Ino Kanori was mere using photographic documents as a method of ethnography and not operating cameras himself, then what about the anthropologists who were carrying the cameras in the field? How does photography become a possibility in the field? Namely, How did photography in fieldwork become a field method?

In October 1896, Tori Ryuzo, who was researching in Eastern Taiwan had written a letter to Tokyo Geographical Society to report his research in Eastern Taiwan with details about photographing the ‘savages.’ The letter goes:

The savages in Eastern Taiwan, except for the savages near Taitung, have not been entirely Sinicized, hence the availability to see old habits of the savages today. They are genuinely the research subjects which interest us anthropology researchers the most. I realized that the savages in Eastern Taiwan are not afraid of being photographed at all, ergo the photography work went smoothly (The underline was added by the author).(註2)

Because of Tori Ryuzo’s intentional use of the camera in the field, shooting series of first-handed photographs of Taiwanese indigenous people, consequently, Tori Ryuzo is used to be an example in accordance to elucidate how anthropologists photograph in the field and to discuss the means of field photographic document production.(註3) Before coming to Taiwan for the first exploration, Tori has recognized the importance of field photography. He has been consciously taking photographs in the field while on a number of explorations in Taiwan.(註4) After going back to Japan, he has presented photographs taken in the field while presenting the research results of Taiwan at the Anthropological Society of Tokyo and the Tokyo Geographical Society to describe cultural features of Taiwanese indigenous people.(註5) In his published paper, he even takes the field photograph to use as material for comparison and in the meantime targeting single tribe and publish its exclusive photo book (Yami on Orchid Island).(註6)

When Tori first came to research on Taiwan in 1896, the Government of Formosa had a research plan on Eastern Taiwan’s migrant land (the term to use then was ‘colony’) as well. The investigator who is in charge of this Eastern Taiwan research was the Department of Agricultural and Industrial Affairs technician Tashiro Antei (田代安定, 1857-1928). Before Tashiro Antei came to Taiwan, he has already joined the Anthropological Society of Tokyo 1889 and has taken the position of reporting director in the Geographical society of Tokyo. After the arrival in Taiwan, Tori applied for the permit to conduct field research from the Government of Formosa; meanwhile, the Government of Formosa was in the process of appointing Tashiro Antei to the East; as a result, Tori Ryuzo’s first journey to Taiwan research departed with Tashiro Antei together from Taipei. During their field research in the East, they often went on exploration together to the tribes.(註7)

Tashiro Antei, the Department of Agricultural and Industrial Affairs technician who went with Tori Ryuzo left multiple documentation of Tori photographed local indigenous tribes in the field in the field diary. Tashiro Antei even left a sketch of the camera in the said diary. In《臺灣雲林高山蕃支族語 (Tribal Languages of Taiwan Yunlin Mountain Savage)》, the language research and documentation notebook in which Tashiro retrieved from his field research and put together in a military base in Milun Mountain when he went back to Hualien Harbour in October 1896.(註8) Tashiro noted the camera equipment as “コダツク式寫真,” it would be the Kodak box camera (Fig. 12). Tori wrote in his memoir《某老學徒的手記 (Notes of an Old Novice of Sorts) 》that the then Archeology and Anthropology in Japan always implement sketching to document images, using no cameras. He reckons sketching is not enough when researching Taiwanese savage, it has to be done with a camera. However, he did not know how to photograph; hence, he borrowed a camera from the university, quickly learned photography and brought an incomplete set of photography equipment to Taiwan. In the memoir, Tori said with confidence:

In the academic field of Anthropology, Applied Photography begins from me.(註9)

What Tori did not mention is of which kind of photography equipment that came along. Through his company Tashiro Antei’s field diary, there is maybe a way to know about Tori’s photography equipment he used in the field. Mori Ushinoke was Tori’s assistant on his fourth Taiwan exploration; he has written in remembrance of the scene where Tori was carrying a box, supposedly the carrying box for the box camera.(註10)

Fig 12: Kodak box camera (コダツク式寫真). Source: Tashiro Antei,《臺灣雲林高山蕃支族語 (Tribal Languages of Taiwan Yunlin Mountain Savage)》, National University Library, Tashiro Antei Archive, N108,1996

Tashiro Antei who was Tori’s company in the field founded the Taiwan Society for Anthropology with Ino Kanori in Taipei only a few months earlier. Though his exploration in Eastern Taiwan from August to December in 1896 was to execute the Government of Formosa’s plan of ‘colony classification,’ he managed to not only investigate the needed area from the planned colony, Geography of Eastern Taiwan, Geology, industries, and the peripheral lands, but conduct researches on Ethnography and Linguistics.(註11) The importance of field notes and diary Tashiro left was not only in the fortuitous sketches of Tori’s photography equipment in the field but what is even more essential was his multiple entries on the happening when Tori was photographing local indigenous people during explorations in Taitung and Hualien. For example, on October 7th, 1896, in Puyuma, Tashiro writes in the field diary:

After ten, arrival at Aboriginal Office, just like yesterday, asking Rikavon communicator about savage matters. I went back to the dormitory at twelve.

Half past two, going to Amis community, to the Chief’s house. Tori also came along. Towa and Yasui came together as well with Rikavon communicator as the company. Take photographs of the chief’s family and the commons (真影ヲ寫サル).(註12)

Tashiro Antei, Tori Ryuzo, and the Aboriginal Office officers who came along, Towa and Yasui went together to Amis community in Puyuma (Amis in Taitung Malan in present days), accompanied by the Rikavon communicator. In Amis community in Puyuma, with the translation by the Rikavon communicator, Tashiro gathered the chief’s family and a few indigenous people in the tribe and took their photographs. Tashiro’s field diary left the documentation of the dialogues through the local communicator with the chief. Tashiro wrote down the word below to show the communicator and asked him to help with gathering people from the tribe to not only take photographs but investigate the originating legend of Puyuma Amis and its savage tribal customs:

Going to photograph savage tribal customs today, asking for savage men and women to come together, I heard this old man is at the age of 90; the purpose was to ask – old stories from the Amis community.

To know the years of how many years the Amis has founded is to ask him.

To ask the name of the ancestor of Amis.

To know the detail and ask him today.

Let the communicator know, what he is saying has to be translated carefully, no matter the contents of his answer, please let know attentively.(註13)

Tashiro’s diary documented the written conversation with the translation by the communicator with an elderly from Puyuma Amis (the squatting one, first to the right in Tori’s photograph, (Fig.13), retrieving the originating story of Puyuma Amis, history of migration, tribal customs, and tribal relationships with the peripheral Puyumas. The section about ‘Southern Amis’ in the thesis Tori Ryuzo published in《東京人類學會雜誌 (The Journal of Anthropological Society of Tokyo)》 in the second year was based on the field documents on this day.(註14)

November 24th, 1896, sunny day, Tori Ryuzo seemed to have been feeling unwell, but still, go with the group to Nanshi community and photograph in Cipawkan. In Tashiro’s diary he writes:

Leaving Hualien Harbor’s military base in the afternoon, Shinozaki and Karasu arrive at communities in Nanshi. Tori feels unwell, the subject he chooses to photograph today is the two elderly from Cipawkan. Photographs have been taken.

It was four when leaving the community after finished.(註15)

Fig 13: Tori Ryuzo took this photograph on October 7th, 1896 in Taitung Puyuma Amis community; source: 卑南阿眉 圖版 53 (Puyuma Amis Plate 53). Edited by Tori Ryuzo Photographic Research Society, 《東京大學總合研究資料館藏鳥居龍藏博士攝影 寫真資料カタログ I-V (Category Ⅳ, Photographic Documents of Doctor Tori Ryuzo, Comprehensive Research Archive, University of Tokyo)》; Tokyo: Comprehensive Research Library, University of Tokyo, 1990

In addition to photographing tribal indigenous people’s physical and cultural features, Tashiro also documented how Tori photographed the Takao Harbor scenery and riding the commuter boat along the west coast on the way back to the north leaving Hualien Harbor. Tashiro left two entries in the diary:

13th December, sunny
Leaving from Hualien Harbor
Riding Chiyoda Maru along the west coast and back to Taipei

15th December, sunny
Arrive at Takao Harbor at 4:30 before noon.
Tori is photographing the scenery.(註16)

In the letter which Tori Ryuzo sent to the Geographical Society of Tokyo during the period when he was exploring in Eastern Taiwan, he mentioned: ”the savages in Eastern Taiwan are not afraid of being photographed at all, ergo the photography work went smoothly.” Indeed, he left quite a quantity of the glass negatives and looked like things went smoothly in the field. However, in Tashiro Antei’s dairy, left is a few intriguing entries. For example, in-between November 17th, 1896, the locals raised complains when Tashiro went to Cikasuan in Hualien to investigate. Tashiro left a record of the written conversation with the local savage tribal communicator Lin Chen-Lao of which he communicated through his traveling company the Hualien Harbor local Lin Feng-Yi:

(Tashiro Antei) What are you, the communicator, thinking about; what had happened to cause this hearsay of not to deliver the medication, I had not known about it.

(Lin Feng-Yi) The Japanese lord had fallen ill after the photographing. The savages are going about saying Japan has released ghosts. I, the communicator relays the message to the lord today, telling you this matter regarding the medication is not doable.(註17)

The ‘Japanese lord’ in the written conversation record should be Tori Ryuzo who has been carrying the camera and taking photographs everywhere in the field. The savages blamed the unwellness after the photographing on ‘Japan releasing ghosts,’ being cursed, or was tricked by the box (the camera) brought by the Japanese lord. In the world history of photography are some similar complains where cameras are falsely thought to be a Satanic instrument that sucks the soul out of the photographed or releases curses.(註18) The moment Tori happily wrote down “the savages in Eastern Taiwan are not afraid of being photographed at all, ergo the photography work went smoothly” on site; the photographs we see today in Tori’s thesis and monograph and the glass plate photographs that are later re-developed and re-published in the 1990s with which are the photographic documents that are the end products of indigenous images in the production process; the process of multiple translation to the written conversation in the field scene; the photographed subject’s fear towards ‘Japan releasing ghosts’ are seem to blocked by the auratic effect that reappears and reconstructs history and culture in the process of the given scientific names by anthropologists or in the reproduction of the culture narratives in the content of the image in different eras.

If the production process of the photographic documents from the anthropology field in the early colonial period are shown as Tori’s experience – accumulating first-hand photographic documents of Taiwanese indigenous people in a short period and getting ahold of physical and cultural features by establishing a standard type, with them, conducting comparative ethnographic research, then, what about the process in the middle, late colonial period? Especially when after Taihoku Imperial University established in 1928 and had the in-school Ethnography research institute built in Taiwan of which is rare in all over Japan, how does field research go and how to photograph images then?

Miyamoto Nobuto(宮本延人), the assistant of Aborigine Ethnology Classroom, Department of Literatures and Law, Taihoku Imperial University wrote in his memoir《我的臺灣時代 (My Taiwanese Era) 》about his field photography experience when he first went on exploration in the Orchid Island in remembrance. In the Summer of 1929:

Exploring the Orchid Island… for me, as the teaching assistant of the Aborigine Ethnology Classroom, I take menial little work on my shoulder, and photography is one of my main jobs. We did not have the 35mm Leica camera that is widely circulated now. We also did not have films. The thing we brought to use is the cabinet-type glass-plate assembled photography equipment that was used by photographers in business and the wooden tripod. I was a photography beginner then, so I also prepared a set of equipment that develops dry plates and a portable darkroom that’s made by a roughly 4mx2㎥ mosquito-net like weave. The stuffiness and hotness during daytime there make people hard to fall asleep; still, I managed to take quite a few photographs.(註19)

The investigation on Orchid Island was to set up spots in different communities to collect genealogy, measure anthropological physical features and take photographs. The investigation on the island is helped by the police stationed in the communities, which during the first field experience one year earlier, the Taihoku Imperial University Aborigine Ethnology Classroom was also helped by them.

July 1928, Professor Mukawa Takeshi and assistant Miyamoto Nobuto who were in charge of the Taihoku Imperial University Aborigine Ethnology Classroom went to Hualien, and after getting the permit to enter savage land from local police institutions, went on to the exploration in savage lands with the help of the local savage land police. The group went into the 立霧溪 (Liwu River) basin, with them were the police who led the way and the worker who carried the luggage.(註20) The Tabito community in Puyuma was the destination of Mukawa and Miyamoto’s first Anthropology field exploration. In the house of Chief of Toboko and with the help of savage land stationed police Inspector Tomabechi’s translation, they interviewed Chief Umin Urai and documented the seven generations from the Chief’s genealogy in memory with a total of 230 names. The next day, with Inspector Sato’s translation, they interviewed Chief Raushin Bakkule in the neighboring Kubayan community, collected his genealogy with a total of seven generations and 382 names.(註21) In largely documented genealogy files, information like, the original place of the communities, the movings, the marital relationships between tribes, close and rival relationships flew to the surface as it goes. The first fieldwork in 1928 made Mukawa Takeshi, and Miyamoto Nobuto developed a “Taiwanese Indigenous People Familial System Research” plan which had the funding support of the Government General Kamiyama Mannoshin three year later to conduct holistic research. In the end, they published a historical and sociological ethnography《臺灣高砂族系統所屬之研究 (Taiwanese Indigenous People Familial System Research) 》that are based on the massive database of genealogy and later won the significant honor in Japan academic circle The Japan Academy Award in 1936.(註22)

Fig 14: Tori Ryuzo at fieldwork, 1896; source: Edited by Tori Ryuzo Photographic Research Society, 《東京大學總合研究資料館藏鳥居龍藏博士攝影 寫真資料カタログ I-V (Category Ⅳ, Photographic Documents of Doctor Tori Ryuzo, Comprehensive Research Archive, University of Tokyo)》; Tokyo: Comprehensive Research Library, University of Tokyo, 1990

It was at the end of the 1920s when Miyamoto Nobuto came to Taiwan. After tens of years of colonial rule, indigenous people had quite a social change. The research subject Mori Ushinoke mentioned when explaining research methods in 1912, and the subject that was easily changed due to the outer environment and process of group interaction were changing when Miyamoto Nobuto entered the savage land and saw – a changed indigenous societal culture. The subjects that were not easy to be changed were the physical features and Mukawa Takeshi and Miyamoto Nobuto‘s coincidental field discovery, the genealogy that can be remembered onto many generations. In other words, ‘memory’ and ‘physical features’ became important research subjects in Mukawa and Miyamoto’s fieldwork. When Mukawa and Miyamoto were collecting genealogical documents in tribes in savage lands, they have also taken photographs of each community.(註23) The change of environment reflects in the fieldwork of colonial anthropologists. In the era of Ino Kanori, Tori Ryuzo and Mori Ushinoke, the documentation or image of them from their fieldwork in the tribes were always to be seen. Going unto Mukawa Takeshi and Miyamoto Nobuto’s era, there were already police stationed in the tribes. Fieldworks were often done in the confines of the savage lands where the entrance and exit were controlled with the help of the stationed police measuring physical features, collecting spoken genealogy files, and photographing. If comparing the scene where Tori Ryuzo squatted down at the riverside of Xiuguluan River doing documentation in 1896 to Mukawa Takeshi sit beside the savage land stationed police and his assistant with their interviewing local indigenous people in front of them under the hallway of the tribal police station, it is clear that, the images of field researchers in the field from two eras reflect the level of the colonizers’ savage controlled policy and Colonial Anthropology in field environments. (Fig. 14, 15)

When anthropology fieldwork was In the early stage of the rule, Ino, Tashiro or Tori often asked local Chief about the situation of savage matters through the help of local communicator in the Aboriginal Office or local offices, however, in the 1930s, police in savage had already penetrated deeply into the tribal communities. From the communicator to the police, the roles of assisting translator and guide have changed, especially when there are also indigenous police from the savage land.(註24) Meanwhile, in the aspect of using field image as an ethnographic method, the Taihoku Imperial University Aborigine Ethnology Classroom also used camera equipment and left more image documents from anthropology fieldwork. Despite that, the question awareness of the race origin that was raised from the early stage of Colonial Anthropology in Taiwan were continuing with a gradual change of from ethnographic files of lingual and physical features to genealogy. From natural to social, from observable to in memory, and from present to historic, although there are changes in the research direction of ethnographic documents, the question of ethnic categorization and the origin of tribes and communities, and the research inclination to comparative ethnology in peripheral island indigenous people are still, as always, continuing.

 

Fig 15: Mukawa Takeshi at fieldwork, the 1930s; source: Photographic Archive, Department of Anthropology, National Taiwan University #3319, www.darc.ntu.edu.tw/handle/1918/19559?doTreeView=true&forwardTo=/newdarc/darc-item-window.jsp&query=3319 (Retrieved: 2016/11/30)

VI. Conclusion

The forming of the photographic documents of Taiwanese indigenous people is at the same time, the product of official savage control institution and the use of photography as an ethnographic method in modern Anthropology.

Photography as a fieldwork method has initially been a witness to the historic event of the start of savage control administration in the colony’s official ethnography; nonetheless, it also left series of critical event-centered indigenous photographic documents outside the colonizer’s intention. In the photographic method using in the fieldwork of colonial Taiwan’s Anthropology gradual develops through Ino Kanori, Tori Ryuzo, and Mori Ushinoke with no exception in photography taking or photographic documents using. What is more crucial is the scientific standard of the unbiased empirical method was the longstanding standard when Ino Kanori, Tori Ryuzo, Mukawa Takeshi and Miyamoto Nobuto were collecting onsite ethnographic documents in the field. Taking importance being on the site and the scene, collecting and photographing images of indigenous people with a clear question awareness; between the knowledge of photograph of anthropology, the photograph becomes a representation of fact, a method that presents the indigenous people who were researched on factually.

The photographic experience in the Japanese rule was documentation of documentary photography of the administration to the indigenous people, but also a record of representation which Anthropology constructed the categorization of ethnic groups through the type photograph of ethnology. The photographic documents that stayed behind become a resource that could be reappropriated and reproduced their photographic meaning after the 1990s, in a new era and environment, in Japan and in Taiwan to embark on a new photographic social life in a new narrative with different time and space.(註25)

 

(Editor’s note: the author of this article is a doctoral candidate of the Department of History, New York University, USA, a Ph.D. student at the Department of History, National Taiwan University.)

See Reference here

Footnote
[1] 田代安定 (Tashiro Antei), 《臺東殖民地豫察巡回日誌 (The Diary of Inspection in the Colony Taitung)》, National Taiwan University Libary, 田代安定文庫 (Tashiro Antei Archive), No,103, 1896.
[2] Tori Ryuzo, 〈臺灣通信 (Taiwan Newsletter)〉,《東京地學協會雜誌 (The Journal of the Geographical Society Tokyo)》8(96)(1896), the reference is from Tori Ryuzo, 《探險臺灣 (Exploration Taiwan)》, page 137.
[3] Information about Tori Ryuzo’s field research in Taiwan and other Asia area, see Nakazono Eisuke《鳥居竜蔵伝: アジアを走破した人類学者 (Tori Ryuzo: The Anthropologist Who’s Travel All over Asia)》(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995),《鳥居龍藏:縱橫臺灣與東亞的人類學先驅 (Tori Ryuzo: The Anthropology Pioneer that Travel across Taiwan and East Asia)》(Taichung:Morning Star Publishing, 1998). Tabata Hisao,《民族学者鳥居龍藏: アジア調査の軌跡 (Ethnologist Tori Ryuzo: The Road to Researching Asia)》(Tokyo: 今古書院, 1997), and Sasaki Komei,《鳥居龍藏の見たアジア: 民族学の先覚者 (Tori Ryuzo sees Asia: The Foreman of Ethnology)》(Suita: National Ethnographic Museum, 1993).
[4] The introduction to the photographs Tori took during his exploration in Taiwan, see Wenxun Song et al,《跨越世紀的影像:鳥居龍藏眼中的臺灣原住民 (The Image that crossover Centuries: The Taiwanese Indigenous People in Tori Ryuzo’s Eyes)》, (Taipei: Shung Yi Museum of Formosa, 1994).
[5] Tori Ryuzo,〈東部臺灣諸蕃族に就て (Indigenous Tribes of Eastern Taiwan)〉,《地學雜誌 (Journal of Geography)》. This is the documentation of Tori Ryuzo’s speech in the Geographical Society Tokyo after he came back to Japan from his first exploration in Taiwan. Also, see《鳥居全集 (The Collection of Tori Ryuzo)》Volume 11, page 485-505, and《探險臺灣 (Exploration Taiwan)》, page 191-229.
[6] Tori Ryuzo, 《人類學寫真集 臺灣紅頭嶼之部 (Anthropology Collection: Taiwan Orchid Island)》(Tokyo:Imperial University of Tokyo, 1899); also see《鳥居全集 (The Collection of Tori Ryuzo)》, Volume 11, page 329-353. Modern photographic analysis of the history of single group photography that started by Tori, see Syapen Lamolan, Ma Tengyue, Tzu-Ning,《鏡頭下的達悟族:蘭嶼∙達悟族∙影像特刊 (Tao under the Lens: Orchid Island, Tao Photography Special Issue)》(Taipei: Shung Yi Museum of Formosa,2002), and Tzu-Ning Li 2001, 《鏡頭下的雅美族:日治時期雅美族民族誌影像回顧 (Yami under the Lens: A Retrospective of Yami Ethnographic Photography under Japanese rule)》.《影像與民族誌研討會論文(Photography and Ethnography Conference Paper)》(Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 2001).
[7] Tori Ryuzo,〈鳥居龍藏氏の近信 (Tori Ryuzo’s Inquiry)〉,《德島日日新聞 (Tokushima Daily News)》, September 4th, 1896, included in 《鳥居全集 (The Collection of Tori Ryuzo)》, Volume 11. Page 459-460; also see 《探險臺灣 (Exploration Taiwan)》,〈臺灣通信一 致《德島日日新聞》的信 (The Letter from Taiwan Newsletter to Tokushima Daily News)〉,《探險臺灣 (Exploration Taiwan)》, page 133-136. Moreover, the thesis Tori published about his first research round when he came back to Japan, in which he thanked the assistance of Tashiro in the field and with mentions of multiple fieldworks were done with Tashiro. See Tori Ryuzo,〈東部臺灣に於ける各蕃族及び其分布 (Indigenous Tribes in Eastern Taiwan and Their Distribution)〉,《東京人類學會雜誌 (The Journal of Anthropological Society Tokyo)》136(1897):378-410.
[8] Tashiro Antei,《臺灣雲林高山蕃支族語 (Tribal Languages of Taiwan Yunlin Mountain Savage)》, National University Library, Tashiro Antei Archive, N108,1996.
[9] Tori Ryuzo,《ある老學徒の手記:考古學とともに六十年 (Notes of an Old Student: 60 Years of Archeology)》. Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun, 1953.
[10] Mori Ushinoke, 〈生蕃行腳 (Savage Wonderer)〉, included in Mori Ushinoke, translated by Nanjun Yang, 《生蕃行腳:森丑之助的臺灣探險 (Savage Wonderer: Ushinosuke’s Taiwan Exploration)》. Taipei: Yaun-Liou Publishing, 2000, page 200.
[11] After Tashiro Antei’s Eastern Taiwan exploration in 1896, he published《臺東殖民地預察報文 (The Report of the Inspection in Colony Tatung)》in 1900. Analysis of Tashiro Antei’s colony inspection, see Wei-ChI Chen,〈田代安定與《臺東殖民地豫察報文》:殖民主義、知識建構與東部臺灣的再現政治 (Tashiro Antei and The Report of the Inspection in Colony Tatung: Colonialism, Knowledge Construction and the representation Politics in Eastern Taiwan)〉,《東臺灣研究 (Eastern Taiwan Studies)》3(1998): 103-146.
[12] Tashiro Antei, 《臺東殖民地豫察巡回日誌 (The Diary of Inspection in the Colony Taitung)》, National Taiwan University Libary, Tashiro Antei Archive, N103, 1896.
[13] Tashiro Antei, 《臺東殖民地豫察巡回日誌 (The Diary of Inspection in the Colony Taitung)》, N103.
[14] Tori Ryuzo, 〈東部臺灣に於ける各蕃族及び其分布 (Indigenous Tribes in Eastern Taiwan and Their Distribution)〉. Tori Ryuzo didn’t know of any Taiwanese, other than a few vocabularies, there is currently no record of Tori familiar with official language from Qing Dynasty or any indigenous language like Amis or Puyuma from Taitung. Perhaps when Tashiro was doing the written conversation interview, he was simultaneously translating to Tori.
[15] Tashiro Antei,《臺東殖民地豫察巡回日誌 (The Diary of Inspection in the Colony Taitung)》, National Taiwan University Libary, Tashiro Antei Archive, N103, 1896.
[16] Tashiro Antei,《明治廿九年田野筆記 (Field Notes from Meiji 29th Year)》, National Taiwan University Libary, Tashiro Antei Archive, N150,1896.
[17] Tashiro Antei, 《臺東殖民地豫察巡回日誌 (The Diary of Inspection in the Colony Taitung)》, N104, 1896.
[18] There are instances everywhere when photography is performing in the West or non-western countries and being treated as a magic trick or as a matter that causes the fear of souls being taken. Example from the west, see Lindsay Smith, The Politics of Focus: Women Children and Nineteenth-Century Photography. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2011. South America, see Deborah Poole, Vision, Race and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997. India, see Christopher Pinney, The Coming of Photography in India. London: The British Library, 2008.
[19] Miyamoto Nobuto, 《我的臺灣紀行 (My Travel Notes in Taiwan)》, translated and edited by Wen-Xun Song, Chao-Mei Lien. Taipei: SMC Publishing, 1998, page 160-161.
[20] Miyamoto Nobuto, 《我的臺灣紀行 (My Travel Notes in Taiwan)》, page 33.
[21] Miyamoto Nobuto, 《我的臺灣紀行 (My Travel Notes in Taiwan)》, page 36.
[22] Mukawa Takeshi, Miyamoto Nobuto, Mabuchi Toichi, 《臺灣高砂族系統所屬の硏究 (Taiwanese Indigenous People Familial System Research)》. Tokyo: 刀江書院, 1935.
[23] The remaining glass plate negatives of the photographic documentation of Mukawa Takeshi and Miyamoto Nobuto taking photographs all over Taiwan, the dates of which are mostly in the period of doing field researching on genealogy, see edited by Chao-Mei Lien, 《人類學玻璃版影像選輯 (Glass-plate images: collected materials of the Department of Anthropology)》. Taipei: National Taiwan University Publishing Center, 1998.
[24] Miyamoto Nobuto, 《我的臺灣紀行 (My Travel Notes in Taiwan)》, page 94-95
[25] Discussion regarding the production, reproduction of image and the reappropriation of its sociality, see Christopher Pinney, Camera Indica: The Social Life of Indian Photographs. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1997. Photography and Anthropology. London: Reaktion Books, 2011. Deborah Poole, “An Excess of Description: Ethnography, Race, and Visual Technologies,” Annual Review of Anthropology 34(2005): 159-179. Along with democratization and the request to regaining knowledge on Taiwanese history and culture in the society, including the indigenous names rectification movement in the 1990s Taiwan, the images from the Japanese colonial period have reclaimed the right back to the citizens in this historical narrative. In addition to copying and publishing photographic documents, a few of the photographs that were left by the anthropologists from the early period are used as symbolic indigenous images. The photographic documents from the colonial period have embarked upon a new meaning producing social life with the means of alternative appropriation of the type photograph.
See Also
Photography as Ethnographic Method: The Anthropological Photographic Archives in Japanese Colonial Taiwan, 1 ,陳偉智Chen Wei-chi
Photography as Ethnographic Method: The Anthropological Photographic Archives in Japanese Colonial Taiwan, 2 ,陳偉智Chen Wei-chi